What the book does not assess is the consequences India either suffered or enjoyed as a result of some of these laws that emerged from the obsessions and beliefs of an all-powerful prime minister.
The author studiously avoids going down that route. His book largely trawls through Gandhi’s papers, orders, speeches, memos and letters. This limits the ability of the book to present a well-rounded view of Gandhi’s impact on India’s environmental policies. One explanation for this omission could be that such a critique would not be so charitable to Gandhi — even if the author discounted for the fact that every idea can be assessed better with hindsight.
One rues the fact that Gandhi was unable to revise her understanding as a prime minister and see the reality of India’s inhabited forests. The notions of pristine nature projected by the ecological sciences were, till that era, strongly influenced by the colonising western powers taking over indigenous people’s lands across continents. India imported many of these ideas from British colonial rule.
But, then, how can she bear the sole blame for the lack of such a revision when an array of prime ministers after her, till the very present, have largely failed to do so as well — even though they are not surrounded by former royalty and pure ecologists? And this despite the fact that we now have a deep understanding of how these nonsensical ideas of “virgin forests” and “pristine nature” have marginalised India’s poor, ruined their forest systems, helped expropriate large tracts of forests to rampant unplanned development and led to political and armed movements that the state has failed to address over decades.
In an interview, Ramesh does admit that, over time, Gandhi’s environmental sensibilities did improve somewhat to move beyond her central influences. Her speech at the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment at Stockholm in 1972 and her push to get environmental regulations on pollution are clear evidence of that. The author’s detailed look at how these regulations came about is fascinating.
Gandhi’s concentration of political and executive power and the subsequent imposition of the Emergency are well documented. On environment as well, she left a similar imprint by bringing forests and wildlife on to the Concurrent List of the Constitution and vesting great power in the central bureaucracy. In that era, this central command did help stem the rapid conversion of forestlands into agricultural lands, but it also turned many thousands of tribal families into encroachers in the eyes of the law.
The exception to this trend of centralised management of environmental systems in independent Indian history has been the Forest Rights Act of 2006. But the bureaucracies and old-school environmentalists that control the economies around forests ensured that this law first lost some teeth at the drafting stage and then was never implemented in full.
Since Gandhi’s time central governments have ceded powers of environmental regulation to the states rather reluctantly. In response to courts or events they have tended to improvise over the same basic structure that Gandhi set up for environmental governance. Uniquely, the current National Democratic Alliance has embarked on a new route — of using federalism and decentralisation as an excuse to weaken environmental regulations.
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